Dean, professor, department of international politics, school of international relations, Peking University
Graduated from Peking University
Doctor of laws
He has successively served as executive director of the east west cultural research center of Peking University, executive vice president of the national association for international political studies of universities, vice president of Fangxia Cultural Exchange Association, honorary president of the International Political Research Association of Peking University, academician of the International Eurasian Academy of Sciences, part-time professor of National Defense University, China University of Political Science and Law and Central University of Finance and Economics, professor of the Party School of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council and the State Council Member of the expert group of the information office, the first batch of part-time researchers of the Cross Strait Relations Research Center, executive director of the China Asia Africa Development and Exchange Association, director of the China Association for the promotion of peaceful reunification, director of the National Taiwan Research Association, director of the China Institute of Higher Education, academic consultant of the Hong Kong China Review, and special editorial board member of the US Asia Politics and Policy. Dean, professor, doctoral supervisor, department of international politics, school of international relations, Peking University.
He is currently a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the National People's Congress, president of the Taiwan institute of Peking University and professor of the school of international relations.
His courses include: world political economy and international relations, introduction to Taiwan, introduction to Taiwan's politics, arms control and disarmament, theory and practice of one country, two systems, special topics of Taiwan's political economy, special topics of international political theory, etc.
Evolution of balance of power and nuclear age (Zhejiang People's publishing house, 1989);
Fission and mending of the world (Hunan press, 1992);
Ten political cases in Taiwan (Heilongjiang People's publishing house, 1993);
World political economy and international relations (Higher Education Press, 1993);
Kissinger the super wise (Xueyuan press, 1996);
Taiwan in political gambling (China Friendship Publishing Company, 1999);
Cross strait Monsoon: Perspective of cross strait relations in a multi edge environment (culture and Art Press, 1996);
Hong Kong model and the future of Taiwan (China International Broadcasting Press, 2004);
On the international pattern (Beijing press, 2004);
New thinking on international politics and cross strait relations (Hong Kong China Review press, 2005);
Globalization and harmonious world (World Knowledge Press, 2007);
Geopolitics: dichotomy and transcendence (Peking University Press, 2007);
Before and after Trump came to power, the U.S. policy toward Taiwan has been greatly adjusted. Its intention of using the Taiwan issue to restrain the process of national rejuvenation in mainland China has become increasingly apparent. Playing the "Taiwan card" has become an important tool used more frequently. In a sense, there were strategic confluence, strategic cooperation and technical response between congress and administrative departments on Taiwan related issues. Now, some administrative departments or their heads have changed from passive "silencing fire fighting" roles to front-end gunners. These situations would lead to new policy trends of domestic political forces in Taiwan related issues, and would also form a new game landscape around Taiwan related issues between China and the United States. For example, Trump's Taiwan related speech touched the "one China" bottom line; the US congress successively introduced Taiwan related legislation such as the "communication law with Taiwan" and the "National Defense Authorization Act", which required the normalization of Taiwan arms sales, the assessment of the possibility of mutual visits between us and Taiwan warships, the improvement of the level of mutual visits between the US and Taiwan, and the promotion of the "Taiwan Security Law" legislation. These were playing or preparing to play "Taiwan cards", which would further promote the adjustment and change of U.S. policy towards Taiwan. Once "out of line" would affect the trend of the situation in the Taiwan Strait, leading to a strong response from the mainland. In particular, these practices were likely to advance with the trade war between China and the United States, making the development of the situation obviously "complex and severe".
China is located in the key part of Eurasia and the Asia Pacific region. The geographical characteristics of both land and sea are very prominent. However, there are different views on whether China is a land-based country or a country with equal emphasis on land rights and sea rights. Professor Li argued that a comprehensive perspective was needed to examine China's geopolitical talents and strategic choices. In terms of geopolitics, China has the natural quality of a land power and the basic potential of a sea power; therefore, the geopolitical environment is more complex. Only when we have a more complete understanding of the particularity and duality of China's land and sea geography, avoid the separation of land and sea and realize the integration of land and sea, and balance the relationship between the land and sea, sea and land rights, and East and West, can we better safeguard China's national interests and international status in terms of geopolitics.